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Global security expert: Yes, a president can unilaterally decide to launch a nuclear weapon

President-elect Donald Trump made waves on Thursday by tweeting that the US must "expand its nuclear capability" until "the world comes to its senses."

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It's the latest in a string of remarks the president-elect has made, either during the campaign or following its conclusion, that have raised some eyebrows about the US's nuclear arsenal.

His prior statements led some to question: Could a president make the decision to use a nuclear weapon without any interference from others?

Bruce Blair, a former Minuteman missile-launch officer and research scholar at Princeton University's Program on Science and Global Security, told Business Insider in September that the answer, essentially, is yes.

Blair pointed to a step-by-step outline of the nuclear chain of command, which he helped describe in Bloomberg earlier in September.

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Here's what would happen, according to Blair: The president would consult with top military brass about the use of a nuclear weapon. The president would come to a decision. The order would be verified and officially issued. The launch crews would take over. And finally, the missiles would be deployed.

If the threat wasn't imminent, Blair said it would likely take a few days to prepare the weapons. But if in the middle of a sustained conflict during which nuclear weapons had been on the table as a last resort, the process would be vastly accelerated — missiles could be in the air within as little as 15 minutes.

Congress could do nothing to stop the decision if it were made in haste, Blair said.

"I mean, the Constitution of the United States designates the president as commander in chief, and there is no wiggle room there," he said. "And of course, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution in 1973 that allows for the president to deploy armed forces for up to 60 days without congressional approval. By law, by custom, Congress has bowed out of the process."

Blair added that there is "a protocol and requirement" for NATO consultation, and if there wasn't consent from the country responsible for launching the weapon, "it's sort of open to question" whether NATO could "effectively veto" its use.

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For example, if the weapon were to be delivered from the nuclear base in Germany, where the US shares weapons, and dropped by a German plane, Germany could potentially ignore the order.

"You're getting into kind of fuzzy territory there," he said.

The only measure that could be taken at home, Blair said, is the invoking of Section 4 of the 25th Amendment of the Constitution — which has never been used.

That section allows for the vice president, together with a majority of Cabinet heads or Congress, to declare the president disabled and unfit to execute the duties of the office. The vice president would have to submit a written declaration to the speaker of the House and president pro tempore of the Senate explaining why the president is unable to fulfill his duties. If approved, the vice president would take over.

Blair called that "the only thing" government officials "could possibly do" in such a situation.

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